When Will Americans Come to Their Senses? Ukraine and Yugoslavia

“I sometimes get the feeling that somewhere across that huge puddle, in America, people sit in a lab and conduct experiments, as if with rats, without actually understanding the consequences of what they are doing.”

– Vladimir Putin, 4 March 2014 Paris.

Five years ago, I wrote a paper for a Belgrade conference commemorating the tenth anniversary of the start of the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia.

Parallels to 1914? What History Teaches Us About the Ukraine Crisis

By Christopher Clark

The current emergency in Ukraine -- on this everyone seems to agree -- is rich in historical resonances. But which histories in particular are pertinent to the recent events? The complexity of the situation in the Ukraine arises precisely from the plurality of quite different historical narratives entangled in it. One thing is clear: the crisis can neither be understood nor solved using a single historic logic.

Austrian Neutrality: A Model for Ukraine

Franz-Stefan Gady, The National Interest

The crisis in Ukraine is spinning slowly out of control. An aggressive Russia under the leadership of a man who once deemed the end of the Soviet Union “the greatest geopolitical tragedy of the 20th century” is pursuing a neo-Soviet foreign policy for Ukraine to remain firmly in Russia’s orbit—an effort doomed to fail due to the deep political rift dividing the country. Consequently, given this neo-Soviet style ofRealpolitik, it may be wise to examine the history of Soviet foreign policy under ostensibly similar circumstances in Europe to inform the present day debate surrounding Ukraine.

The last of the Sudeiri Seven



Ever since the Al Saud clan established in 1932 the kingdom to which they gave their name, the exercise of power in Saudi Arabia has been shaped by the intrigues and intricacies of royal politics. But never before has this internal struggle had such far-reaching ramifications for the region and beyond as it does now.

Monnet’s Brandy and Europe’s Fate‏


Monnet had long feared that the interwar period would be just that—a respite between global conflagrations. Like Keynes, he came to view the “war guilt” clause in the Versailles Treaty, which demanded reparations in the form of payments and transfers of property and equipment from Germany, to be a mistake.

Good Riddance to Sykes-Picot

Selim Can Sazak, The National Interest

In reading about the Middle East, it is difficult not to be amazed at how strikingly similar today's language is to that of the Gladstones and Cromers of the time. We hear of an Orient jinxed by its ethnicities, religions, history, geography and culture to a future of conflict and bloodshed.

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